Postcards
from Scotland

We asked a selection of SR
contributors for a memory
of an outstanding holiday in
Scotland – good or bad



Marian Pallister in Tobermory
George Chalmers in Ayr
Islay McLeod in Rockcliffe
Judith Jaafar in Carrick Castle
Barney MacFarlane on Arran



Bill Jamieson on Bute
Tessa Ransford in North Berwick
Michael Elcock on Harris
Ronnie Smith in Largs

Katie Grant on Mull
Thom Cross in Kirkcaldy
Morelle Smith in Glencoe
Bob Cant in Carnoustie

Robin Downie on Arran
Bruce Gardner in Glen Livet
Fiona MacDonald on Tiree
Walter Humes at home

Jill Stephenson at Loch Duich
Quintin Jardine in Elie
Iain Macmillan in Gleneagles
Douglas Marr on Skye
Andrew McFadyen in Kilmarnock

R D Kernohan on Arran
David Torrance on Iona
Catherine Czerkawska at Loch Ken
Chris Holligan in Elie

Rose Galt in Girvan
Alex Wood on Arran
Andrew Hook in Glasgow
Alasdair McKillop in St Andrews

Sheila Hetherington on Arran
Anthony Seaton on Ben Nevis
Paul Cockburn at Loch Ness
Jackie Kemp in a taxi
Angus Skinner on Skye


The Cafe

So, Alistair R Brownlie OBE is exercised that 1,200 people, some of them lawyers for goodness sake, should think themselves sufficiently above the law to question the judgement of our eminent Scottish Lordships who found Al Megrahi guilty of the Pan Am 103 atrocity?
     I am not a lawyer, nor would I want to be one, but I consider myself a fair and intelligent citizen who followed proceedings at Kamp Zeist in great detail, and who has subsequently read about and researched the various strands of evidence. I signed the petiton as, even before the verdict had been announced, I was not convinced on the evidence presented, that Al Megrahi was guilty beyond all reasonable doubt.
     In the intervening years I have moved from being dubious about the verdict to being convinced that the wrong man was sent to prison. I am now among an increasing number of people, from Scotland and abroad, who feel that way and who would like to see justice done for all the victims of that horrific crime.
     I do not apologise for being so as, whilst no man is above the law, equally the law is above no man and, as such, is not infallible, much though that might shock Mr Brownlie.
     Sadly,I doubt if certain parties (countries) would co-operate fully by releasing vital evidence for any hearing that might take place, but for the sake of the victims, and I do not apologise for including Mr Al Megrahi in that, we have to make the effort.
Donnie MacNeill


I take it that this [Alistair R Brownlie's piece] was all said with an enormous tongue stuck in an
enormous cheek?
Ian McTurk

 

Jim Swire is arrogant??!!!
Gavin Lessells

 

Right to the end and the invitation to respond, I was convinced that the Brownlie letter was a spoof. You couldn't make it up. The arrogance of the man who clearly believes himself to be above the rest of us supports the petition.
Stewart Lochhead

 

As a signatory to the Megrahi petition I am bemused that my actions should be prejudged in such a fashion by your contributor. Anybody who thinks our legal system is infallible should not be involved in it.
     While I would not claim a comprehensive knowledge about the Lockerbie disaster I have read closely a great deal of information and enough to consider that the whole trial process is seriously flawed.
     I am happy to be in the company of many well informed legal minds and commentators. To suggest that Dr Jim Swire is arrogant is astounding.
Ken MacColl

 

More correspondence on this issue will appear in Tuesday's edition

 

For the latest news on the e-petition
click here

The Megrahi scandal

Robert Black QC


At the end of June 2007, the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission (SCCRC) referred Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al-Megrahi's conviction of the Lockerbie bombing back to the High Court of Justiciary for a further appeal. The case had been under consideration by the SCCRC since September 2003 and its statement of reasons (available only to Megrahi, the Crown and the High Court) extends to more than 800 pages, accompanied by 13 volumes of appendices.
     The commission, in the published summary of its findings, indicated there were six grounds on which it had concluded a miscarriage of justice might have occurred. Strangely, only four of these grounds are enumerated in the summary. They are:
     • That there was no reasonable basis for the trial court's conclusion that the date of purchase of the clothes which surrounded the bomb was 7 December 1988, the only date on which Megrahi was proved to have been on Malta and so could have purchased them. The finding that he was the purchaser was 'important to the verdict against him'.
     • That evidence not heard at the trial about the date on which Christmas lights were switched on in Malta further undermined the trial court's conclusion that the date of purchase was as late as 7 December.
     • That evidence was not made available to the defence that four days before the shopkeeper made a tentative identification of Megrahi at an ID parade he had seen a magazine article containing a photograph of Megrahi, linking him to the bombing.
     • That other evidence which undermined the shopkeeper's identification of Megrahi and the finding as to the date of purchase was not made available to the defence.

 

I have always contended that no reasonable tribunal could have convicted Megrahi on the evidence led.


     The reasons given by the commission for finding that a miscarriage of justice may have occurred in this case are not limited to the effect of new evidence (such as the payment to a key prosecution witness of $2m) which has become available since the date of the original trial and the non-disclosure by the police and prosecution of evidence helpful to the defence.
     The prima facie miscarriage of justice identified by the commission includes the trial court's finding in fact on the evidence heard at the trial that the clothes which surrounded the bomb were purchased in Malta on 7 December 1988 and that Megrahi was the purchaser. This was the cornerstone of the Crown's case against him. If, as suggested, that finding had no reasonable basis in the evidence, then there is no legal justification for his conviction.
     I have always contended that no reasonable tribunal could have convicted Megrahi on the evidence led. Here is one example of the trial court's idiosyncratic approach to the evidence. Many more could be provided.
     A vitally important issue was the date on which the goods that surrounded the bomb were purchased in Malta. There were only two live possibilities: 7 December 1988, a date when Megrahi was proved to be on Malta, and 23 November 1988, when he was not. In an attempt to establish just which of these dates was correct, the weather conditions in Sliema on those two days were explored.
     Shopkeeper Tony Gauci's evidence was that when the purchaser left his shop it was beginning to rain heavily enough for his customer to think it advisable to buy an umbrella to protect himself while he went in search of a taxi. The unchallenged meteorological evidence led by the defence established that, while it had rained on 23 November at the relevant time, it was unlikely to have rained at all on 7 December and, if there had been any rain, it would have been at most a few drops, insufficient to wet the ground. On this material, the judges found in fact that the clothes were purchased on 7 December.
     On evidence as weak as this, how was it possible for the trial court to find him guilty? And how was it possible for the appeal court in 2002 to fail to overturn the conviction? The Criminal Appeal Court dismissed Megrahi's first appeal on the most technical of technical legal grounds: it did not consider the justifiability of the trial court's factual findings at all. Indeed, it is clear from their interventions during the Crown submissions in the appeal that at least some of the judges were only too well aware of how shaky certain crucial findings were and how contrary to the weight of the evidence.

 

The judges were reluctant to reach a verdict acquitting both accused because of the humiliation that this would entail for the office of Lord Advocate


     I contend that at least part of the answer lies in the history of the Scottish legal and judicial system. For centuries courts have accorded a specially privileged status to the Lord Advocate. It has been unquestioningly accepted that, though a political appointee and the UK government's (now the Scottish Executive's) chief Scots law adviser, he (now she) would at all times, in his capacity as head of the prosecution system, act independently, without concern for political considerations, and would always place the public interest in a fair trial above the narrow interest of the prosecution in gaining a conviction.
     This vision of the role of the Lord Advocate was reinforced by the fact that, until the Scottish Judicial Appointments Board commenced operations in 2002, all Scottish High Court judges (and lower court judges) were nominated for appointment to the Bench by the Lord Advocate of the day. This meant that, in all criminal proceedings, the presiding judge owed his position to the person (or one of his predecessors in office) who was ultimately responsible for bringing the case before him, and for its conduct while in his court.
     I believe that, subconsciously at least, the judges were reluctant to reach a verdict acquitting both accused because of the humiliation that this would entail for the office of Lord Advocate in the most high profile prosecution ever brought in the Scottish courts.
     Megrahi launched an appeal based on the SCCRC findings, but abandoned it in 2009 in order to maximise his prospects of repatriation to Libya when terminal metastatic prostate cancer was diagnosed. But the concerns regarding the propriety of his conviction raised by the SCCRC and others have not disappeared.
     Lord Denning tarnished his reputation by expressing the view that an alleged miscarriage of justice should not be investigated because it might undermine confidence in the English criminal justice and judicial systems. It is sad to see Alistair Brownlie appearing to take the same stance in Scotland.



Robert Black QC is emeritus professor of Scots Law at Edinburgh University. He was born in Lockerbie. Professor Black was the architect of the Camp Zeist trial of Megrahi and his co-accused. He is also co-organiser of the e-petition