44

24
Number of miles Felix the skydiver fell in nine minutes

26
Percentage of Britons who think England and Wales would be better off if Scotland left the union

30
Percentage of funerals which include hymns

60
Percentage of Britons who think 16 and 17 year olds should not be given the vote in the Scottish referendum

72
Percentage of Britons who think that people have become more rude in the last decade

80
Percentage of couples who don't exchange a goodnight kiss

4444

Thoughts about  the BBC, television and John Reith

Nation shall speak unto nation
Motto of the BBC

It used to be that we in films were the lowest
form of art. Now we
have something to look down on
Billy Wilder on television

If you are not on the thing every week, the public think you are either dead or deported
Frankie Howerd on television

It talks to the vacuum cleaner and the washing machine without
much contact with the human brain
Polly Toynbee on daytime television

Producers, or even electricians, found themselves out of a job
if touched by a breath
of scandal
A J P Taylor on Reith's management

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1

The Scottish Review has entered what is always the most critical period of its financial year.
     The magazine carries no advertising. The flickering images – presumably designed in the first place for outdoor or cinema screens – which are an indispensable part of internet ads are so distracting that it's a wonder anyone can read the editorial stuff between them. 
     There is also the risk of editorial compromise in accepting ads. SR likes to think of itself as a campaigning journal. Sod's law dictates that, as soon as we signed a contract with advertiser B, we would soon discover something worthy of serious scrutiny about advertiser B. 
     So, better without ads.
     The Institute of Contemporary Scotland, our publisher, gives us the office and the phone free of charge. We're grateful for this support. But that leaves a biggish hole in the cash flow forecast.
     For the last few years we have, like Blanche DuBois, depended on the kindness of strangers – our readers. Many of these strangers have become our friends – the Friends of the Scottish Review. They pitch in a minimum of £30 a year, although many give a lot more.
     Some of you reading this, whose annual donation is due for renewal, will have received a friendly prompt. If you haven't already pledged for the next 12 months, I implore you to do so.
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Special edition
24 October 2012

The SNP and
its leadership are
taking us for fools

George Robertson

'We are being deceived into thinking that we are safe with NATO-friendly nationalists when instead we have a disgraceful pretence'

The former secretary-general of NATO, Lord Robertson of Port Ellen, attacks Scotland's governing party for its disingenuous commitment to the Alliance

Last weekend the SNP did the right thing and said that after secession Scotland should be in NATO. But far from resolving this important issue, the nationalists have alighted on a policy position that is plainly dishonest. The party leadership, including half of its conference delegates, are taking us for fools.

Ten years ago as secretary-general, I welcomed into NATO seven new countries. Four had been in the Warsaw Pact and three had actually been Soviet states. When I hammered down the gavel presented to me by Czech President Havel, I hammered down another nail in the Cold War coffin. But the route to that decision was not an easy one for these countries.

They had to work hard at both their military reforms and their civic reconstruction. They were constantly reminded by me that to benefit from the invaluable collective defence offered by the Alliance, they had to contribute to it too. They had to work on a whole series of standards both democratic and in their armed forces before they got admitted to the most successful defence alliance in world history.

Not one of them laid down conditions but they accepted many. Not one of them dreamed of contradicting the alliance's strategic concept – that declaration of the purpose agreed every 10 years. None of them rejected the nuclear umbrella which has, in a world where nuclear weapons and nuclear blackmail still exist, underpinned the collective defence of all the allies.

The SNP, by a whisker of 29 votes, thinks it can do all of these things. But it actually knows it can't. As a Scotsman correspondent said this week, it's like applying to join a golf club with the objective of preventing golf being played.

So, let me remind that slender majority of what they have to sign up to if they want to be in the grown-up world of collective defence. This is what the NATO strategic concept, agreed only last year, says:

Deterrence, based on an appropriate mix of nuclear and conventional capabilities, remains a core element of our overall strategy. The circumstances in which any use of nuclear weapons might have to be contemplated are extremely remote. As long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear alliance.

The supreme guarantee of the security of the Allies is provided by the strategic nuclear forces of the Alliance, particularly those of the United States; the independent strategic nuclear forces of the United Kingdom and France, which have a deterrent role of their own, contribute to the overall deterrence and security of the allies.

We will ensure that NATO has the full range of capabilities necessary to deter and defend against any threat to the safety and security of our populations. Therefore we will

- ensure an appropriate mix of nuclear and conventional forces

- ensure the broadest possible participation of Allies in collective defence planning on nuclear roles, in peacetime basing of nuclear forces [my emphasis] and in command, control and consultation arrangements.

I watched the whole SNP conference debate on NATO. 'Sad bugger' was the reaction of one of my friends (who, incidentally, voted SNP) but I did so because I care deeply about my country and its defence and this was a momentous debate for the present party of power in the Scottish Parliament.

I heard no one in the hall in Perth saying that they would accept the strategic concept with these paragraphs and these obligations. What I did hear, over and over again, from the pro-change brigade was a cynical call for a new policy because the existing one was unpopular. 'Change or we'll lose the referendum' was the brave, principled battle cry. 'Please pretend we love NATO and what it stands for', was the message, 'because the Scottish people think our existing, long held policy is disastrous'.

And that indeed is the saddest part of this episode in Scottish politics. We, the Scottish people, are being deceived into thinking that we are safe with NATO-friendly nationalists when instead we have a disgraceful pretence. And it is a pretence about something vital to every one of us.

Now I know the cybernats and their apologists out there will say that I too once was a unilateralist, marching in my teens at the Holy Loch. True enough, but I changed my mind over the years as I saw that the slogans of unilateralism and neutralism were irrelevant in a world where only multilateral nuclear disarmament would make us safe. Labour too abandoned unilateralism because it did not work, and not just because it was an electoral albatross.

And of course in addition I will be reminded of a speech I once made in Moscow quoting the NATO-Russia founding act, which stated that nuclear weapons would not be deployed to the new applicant states. An idiotic debating point. That was an assurance given to Russia in relation to the former Soviet satellite countries. Does Alex Salmond count Scotland among them?

The nationalist leadership will have some heavy explaining to do in the next 100 weeks. One question, among many others, which they need to be relentlessly asked is whether, given that 29-vote majority, they will now subscribe to NATO's strategic concept. Answering that, I reckon, will be more difficult than bullying half a conference plus 29 into submission.

George Robertson (Lord Robertson of Port Ellen) was secretary-general of NATO, 1999-2003