Kenneth Roy

The expert view is wrong.
These deaths could
have been prevented

Bob Cant

What does
'Tutti Frutti'

say to us now?


6

John Cameron

The great 'Chariots
of Fire' was the
purest hokum

4

7

Andrew Hook

Down with
everything: the new
American mantra

5

7

Ronnie Smith

Tanned and smiling,
Mr Blair arrives
among us

5

7

Islay McLeod

Villages of
Scotland:
(3) Thornhill

5

09.08.11
No. 435

The Cafe 2

Sitting here in Dublin having just read Alasdair McKillop's whataboutery article (3 August) entitled 'Celtic supporters have no more claim to moral purity than Rangers fans', I am left scratching my head.
     Surely if a Rangers fan pens an article on Celtic fans, Catholicism in Scotland and Irish rebel songs, you might expect some semblance of parity by mentioning the elephant in the room? An elephant that is never noticed by journalists in Scotland. An elephant never mentioned by Rangers fans themselves, who are still in compete denial. What elephant, I hear you ask?
     So let me give the elephant his name: Dumbo, the sectarian employment policy.
     Yes, indeed, for over 100 years we had the ostriches of the Scottish footballing authorities, government authorities, European footballing authorities and even world footballing authorities totally ignore one of the most blatant examples of sectarianism taking place in any nation.
     As the racism and sectarianism arguments reach a climax in Scotland, one would assume a reference to the background to the present scenario we find ourselves in might be relevant. Even the recent summit meeting arranged to discuss the matter had no reference to one of the main reasons for antagonism between Celtic and Rangers supporters. Why, one must ask?
     If Scotland wants to advance as a modern, open and fair society it must also address what has occurred in the past. The Irish famine immigrant was always a second-class, if not a third-class citizen in Scotland. Catholics were classed in a similar manner. It is high time that the elephant in the room was called by its name and addressed directly.
     Surely it is now time for Scottish society to apologise for its treatment of Irish immigrants and Catholics in the past. It is also time for Rangers FC to apologise for refusing to employ any Catholics, in any capacity, at the club for over 100 years.
     After such an acknowledgment and after such apologies let us all move on.

E F Fanning


The articles you have published recently about sectarianism recently gave me cause to recall a visit to an old friend in Germany in 2006, while over for the World Cup.
     His younger son was only 13 and had limited English, but was (is) a real football anorak. As such he had a long list of questions he wanted answered about Scottish football. One of these was 'what is the song they sing at Ibrox, "the Cry", about and why do they sing it?' After some confusion (particularly as I am not an Old Firm fan) I realised he was referring to Derry's Walls – 'The cry was no surrender, surrender or...' So I did my best to explain about the revolution of 1688, the invasion of Ireland by King James, the siege of Derry and so on.
     At the end he fixed me with a knowing look and asked 'but what does that have to do with a football match in Glasgow?'. I couldn't answer him, but perhaps one of your readers could help me out.

Alasdair Galloway


Summer on Mull (1)


Photograph by Islay McLeod

 

 


We are having an open

debate. Yet still I receive

abusive emails at work


Jeanette Findlay

 

I am delighted that SR is the kind of place where we can have a reasoned and temperate discussion on the issue of sectarianism. This makes it almost unique in Scottish public life and, in fact, may be a very important element in relation to both the upcoming legislation and to reaching some resolution of these issues, if only in terms of the readership of publications such as this. I may be overstating it but, in my experience, there is no other space in which this has happened.
     In that spirit, I would like to respond to both Alasdair McKillop and Mark Elliott, both of whom have identified themselves as academics. I did not so identify myself, but I am one and I am happy to continue the discussion using the norms of our profession.
     Alasdair McKillop begins by referring to some evidence I cited as 'trendy'.  This is not a normal term to describe evidence of any kind; either the evidence is valid or not and whether it has been widely quoted is irrelevant. His reference to the source of the evidence, Tom Devine, is certainly respectful but he states without much by way of elucidation that Professsor Devine's original point is more nuanced than the way I presented it. 
     I recognise the limitations of space which prevented him for expanding on this point and I hope he will accept that I was simply delivering a summary of the same evidence which he does not dispute. The one substantive point that Alasdair McKillop makes in this regard is that it might have been the fault of the Irish immigrants to Scotland that they didn't achieve occupational parity till nearly 100 years later than the Irish who went to America. A significant point such as this should have been supported by some evidence or examples and I would like to hear more from McKillop on this point.
     Towards the end of his piece, McKillop states: 'It seems to be a feature of the debate on sectarianism that people are allowed to interpret what others mean when they say something'. I agree that this is a common failing in the debate but, unfortunately, he is guilty of precisely the same thing he accuses others of.     
      At various points, he says that I inferred, said, or think things which I did not say and which I don't actually think. Examples of this are statements to the effect that I think that all Celtic supporters are morally pure (the meaning of which is not clear). He says: 'The bottom line is that Ms Findlay appears to be suggesting that the culture and actions of her own supporters are morally beyond reproach'. I didn't say this, and it would be a very foolish person indeed who would presume to say this on behalf of tens of thousands of people, most of whom they have not met. I am not clear what it would mean to say that a culture is moral or immoral (maybe, as an economist, this falls outside the remit of my discipline).
     McKillop states: 'What she failed to point out was that Celtic supporters have been to the fore in perpetrating activities that most people would find disgraceful.'  This is a statement without content and which lacks rigour. It is not acceptable to back up your views by referring to the views of 'most people' which is why it should not be deployed when discussing contentious issues. With reference to the game at Tynecastle, when Lennon was attacked by a Hearts fan, McKillop says Celtic fans attacked stewards. I was at the game and I did not see this or hear anyone mention it. However, it appears that there is filmed evidence that it did happen, albeit in response to a teenage girl being bear-hugged then grappled to the ground by stewards.

 

I accept that support for Irish Republicanism causes some people, even
many people, distress but you cannot, on that basis, deny people the right
to take that view.


     Throughout his piece, McKillop adopts a rather unfortunate and unduly personal tone in relation to me and to my motivation. He refers to me throughout as 'Ms Findlay', which is in contrast to the style of address used for everyone else he mentions; he talks of me 'pronouncing' on issues rather than simply discussing/debating/writing; and at one point he says: 'Others who are perhaps more savvy than Ms Findlay would argue that support for PIRA is unacceptable but supporting the "old IRA" is legitimate and non-sectarian'.  This comes across as nothing more than a contrived opportunity to suggest that I am not very intelligent because he then proceeds to say that the very thing that those 'more savvy' people might say is also wrong. 
     He goes on to say: 'This brings me to her final point regarding Celtic fans singing in support of the IRA – something, apparently, they should be allowed to do with no questions asked'. In fact, all I said about this was that it wasn't sectarian, a view he acknowledges has been accepted in law. I explicitly allowed for the fact that people could, and indeed do, think a variety of things about this and about whether it is appropriate, so he is again attributing to me things that I did not say.
     He then lists a sectarian act which has been attributed to the IRA and uses this as proof that the IRA was engaged in a sectarian campaign. A proper discussion of the legitimacy of any armed struggle is, to use Alasdair McKillop's own words, 'more nuanced' than this and he has been very selective in his use of evidence. Furthermore, the same approach could be applied to every armed force in every conflict since history began. I would contend that neither in their public statements nor in the overwhelming majority of their actions was there a sectarian element to the actions of the IRA. In McKillop’s own words: 'An end to blanket condemnations would also be nice'. However, I do not think a further discussion of this is either productive or necessary. The legal position is, as we both agree, clear. 
     Someone, I can't remember who, has said that just because you hate something does not make it hateful. I accept that support for Irish Republicanism causes some people, even many people, distress but you cannot, on that basis, deny people the right to take that view. I am not clear what Mark Elliott's point is precisely but these comments probably serve as a reply to him also. Notwithstanding all of that, however, I agree that some people who are singing about the IRA are not doing it in support of any political aim or expressing any historical or cultural identity but are just engaging in the age-old activity of winding up the opposition support. That is where my mention of appropriateness comes in. 
     I apologise to Alasdair McKillop if this sounds like feedback from a meeting with his PhD supervisor, but in this debate, far more than many others, it is important to try to be precise; to say exactly, and no more than, what you mean to say and to treat the writings and statements of others in the same manner. To Mr McKillop's credit he has engaged in open debate in his own name unlike those who have sought out my work email address and emailed me abusive and inappropriate emails since my first SR piece was published.

 

Jeanette Findlay is an economist working in a Scottish university