What's neutral about it?

THE YOUNG PAPERS I
Louise Wilson on the 'two-sided game' of the
Irish government

Complicity in extraordinary rendition and the provision of assistance to belligerents en route to a theatre of war are not practices that one would associate with a neutral state. Ireland has operated a policy of neutrality since the Second World War. Almost simultaneously, it has allowed the United States to use Irish airspace and land its military aircraft in the state. This permission continues during the current US-led Afghanistan and Iraq offensives. In fact, only in April 2009, over 150 US military aircraft landed at Shannon airport on the west coast of Ireland.
     Neutrality is arguably Ireland's longest standing and most publicly supported foreign policy. However, it is not enshrined in either the Irish constitution or in domestic law. There is a fond saying amongst Irish diplomats that the definition of Ireland's neutrality is in a sealed envelope locked deep in the recesses of the department of foreign affairs, to be opened only in the case of a national emergency. If this is the case, in all likelihood it was formulated by Éamonn De Valera, former head of the Irish free state, taoiseach and president.
     De Valera staunchly defended Ireland's decision to be neutral during the Second World War and maintained diplomatic ties with Germany and Japan. As a small coastal state on the fringe of Europe, Ireland's neutrality was born out of necessity due to limited military capabilities, but also as a means of advancing Irish sovereignty and showing resentment for British hegemony. De Valera used to say, 'Ireland has no imperial designs, we merely want our own country for ourselves'. In 1940, Churchill even made De Valera the veiled offer of a united Ireland in exchange for Ireland's entry in the war, but de Valera refused to budge. Ironically, it was revealed decades later that Ireland had covertly provided intelligence and assistance to Britain during the entire war period.
     Barely a decade after the end of WWII, Ireland granted the United States blanket permission to fly military aircraft and troops over the country and to land and refuel at Shannon en route to its various conflicts and military exercises. It was perfectly legal and in accordance with domestic law. Under international law, neutrals must not allow belligerent states through access to their territory and must refrain from providing any assistance to belligerents on either side. Unlike other European neutrals, Ireland has always acted partially to the West.
    
Following the events of 11 September 2001, the minister for foreign affairs formally assured the US secretary of state, Colin Powell, of Ireland's continued facilitation of Shannon for US military needs. The government argues that to suddenly withhold that permission would amount to a hostile act. It is probably inconsequential that, in 2003, the transit of US troops through Shannon generated some €9 million in revenue and US congress decided to continue to support the International Fund for Ireland.
     Since 2001, at least 19 CIA aircraft suspected of being involved in extraordinary rendition have landed at Shannon. Furthermore, a number of former Guantanamo prisoners have confirmed that they made at least one refuelling stop between the Middle East and Guantanamo Bay, leading to suspicions that some may have passed through Shannon. Despite the fact that Ireland has the authority to search aircraft carrying weapons, it accepted at face value the Bush administration's assurances that no extraordinary rendition has taken place through Shannon.
     In 2007, a majority of Irish people said they opposed the use of Shannon by US troops. When people are asked what neutrality means, the main answers given are not getting involved in war and being independent and impartial. This can be legally understood as 'active' neutrality. However, successive Irish governments' view of neutrality has been 'military' neutrality, or non-membership of a military alliance such as NATO. When Ireland joined the EEC in 1973, the main political parties were fully aware that neutrality was incompatible with the ultimate goal of common defence once economic integration was complete. However, they deliberately minimised the issue for fear of a 'no' vote. The taoiseach even gave assurances that there were no defence commitments in the treaty. In Ireland today, the only political party that supports active neutrality is Sinn Fein.
     The Irish people have rejected two referendums on European treaties, the Nice Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty. On both occasions, fears that neutrality would be eroded were major reasons for voting 'no'. Research on Lisbon indicates that many people believed that there could be conscription to a European army. This is notwithstanding the government and the main opposition parties promising that neither treaty would infringe neutrality.
Presently, the EU is limited in its military activities to peace enforcement under the aegis of the Nice Treaty. However, the Lisbon Treaty greatly expands European defence capabilities and includes a mutual defence clause, higher intensity peace-keeping with the use of force in certain cases, and the establishment of the elite 'Defence G6'. The mutual defence policy erodes any single state's claim to neutrality as it effectively amounts to membership of a military alliance. The only way to retain any policy of neutrality is to opt out of such defence arrangements.
     Ireland's political parties are in a bind. Neutrality was only ever adopted as a temporary and ad hoc measure, which suited the issues of the day. They had always envisaged that neutrality would be dropped once something better came along. However, they underestimated the deep-rooted popularity that neutrality enjoys with the Irish people. People have made it clear that they are no longer prepared to accept at face value what their politicians tell them. In this instance, it appears they are right to be suspicious. Ireland has had enough cover-ups. It is time for the Irish government to finally come clean and stop playing a two-sided game.

This was the winning paper at the recent Young Ireland Programme. The views expressed in the paper are the personal opinions of the author